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Reflecting on a number of stalled revolts in Japan and the Levant region, as well as their more recent outcomes, the film concerns the history of May [Mei] Shigenobu, the daughter of militant Japanese Red Army JRA co-founder Fuasko Shigenobu, and that of Masao Adachi, a commando of the JRA who first tackled radical ideology through filmmaking.

Like Xenophon, Fusako Shigenobu was to become a wandering solider; however, her tale, as well as that of Adachi, does not feature a safe and triumphal homecoming.

As a young student radical in postwar Japan, Fusako and her colleagues of the extremist Red Army Faction sought to overthrow the government and spur a global revolution. Citing both ideological differences in her absence, the Red Army Faction merged with other groups, leading to various internecine battles including a bloody purge in as well as geographical distance, Fusako broke with the troubled group and its successor body, the United Red Army.

As a wanted suspect in connection to multiple extremist actions, Fusako and her daughter remained in exile for nearly thirty years until she was extradited to Japan for trial in Around the same time, Adachi, who had also been hiding in Lebanon for decades, was imprisoned for passport violations, and later deported back to Japan.

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Ultimately combining newsreel footage of recent plane hijackings by the Black September Organization which later staged the Munich Olympics hostage massacre with interviews and monologues by party members, Adachi demonstrated that the dominant political order could be read by turning the camera not toward scripted action, but to the field of everyday life in order to witness the supposedly coded effects of oppression in the management of the land itself.

Instead of a kind of immersive, expanded cinema environment, one encounters a framed Shigenobu family album, a slide show of prison drawings by Adachi, and other spin-offs lining the room.

More by Eric Gales

However, financial considerations, and the pragmatics entailed, are not something one must automatically denounce. A more charitable reading might suggest that the inclusion of these works underscores the actual mechanics of how artists—and even activists—play a game of mutual cooperation today in order to get their work and the word out, and that move is justified here.

Whether this is an instance of having your cake and eating it too is left teasingly ambiguous.

Abraham, who once thought he would never see his homeland again, has founded the Fugard Theater in Cape Town, and is again intensely involved in telling South African stories. Abraham first came across Dr.

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He commissioned Mr. Wright said in a telephone interview. But Mr. Abraham found it difficult to get the play produced.

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By , he had his own theater — named for the eminent South African playwright Athol Fugard — in District 6, notorious for the forcible evictions of some 60, mixed-race residents in the late s, and still a politically contentious area. The new theater, created by renovating and merging two warehouses and an adjoining church, was conceived as a home for Isango Portobello, the opera company that Mr. Abraham had brought on much-applauded tours to the West End of London. Since , he has run the theater with an in-situ manager, Daniel Galloway, and has pursued a policy of musicals on its main stage, and mostly South African theater pieces in its smaller studio.

The play traces the wary understanding that develops between its characters, as Dr. Gobodo-Madikizela questions Mr.

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Marsh said in a telephone interview. Abraham said there has been no storybook reconciliation to his own past. He is nonetheless energetically involved in forthcoming Fugard projects, which include Mr.

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In an email, Mr. Theater Interview With a Torturer.